Immigration control raises the issue of expulsion which arguably might have been elevated to the point of hostility in several liberal democratic States such as the United Kingdom (UK). This work examines the legality of deportation and removal of migrants in the UK within the context of liberal democracy, which invites the question as to whether the UK complies with its substantive and procedural obligations in the expulsion of migrants. With the heat generated by recent trends in immigration control in the UK and across liberal democracies, this research will readily become a major reference material for everybody who works on immigration, providing a guide for academics and practitioners, the offer of invaluable insights into likely developments in this dynamic and expansive area of law. In this study, references were made to three other selected liberal democratic states-the United States of America, Australia and France whose immigration reality offers significant similarities with the UK. This is in order to put the analysis of immigration issues in the UK by way of convergence, divergence, diffusion and dilemmas of practices in immigration control.
Two New York Times Washington correspondents provide an inside account with never-before-told stories of the defining issue of Donald Trump's presidency: his steadfast opposition to immigration to the US.As his campaign rhetoric in the 2018 midterms demonstrated, no issue matters more to Donald Trump than immigration. And no issue-with the possible exception of his opposition to Robert Mueller's investigation of his 2016 campaign-better defines his administration.Julie Hirschfeld Davis and Michael D. Shear have covered the Trump administration from its earliest days. In Border Wars, they take readers inside the White House to document how Trump and his allies blocked asylum-seekers and refugees, separated families, threatened deportation and sought to erode the longstanding bipartisan consensus that immigration and immigrants make positive contributions to America.As the authors reveal, Trump has used immigration to stoke fears ("the caravan"), attack Democrats and the courts, and distract from negative news and political difficulties. Even as illegal immigration has fallen in recent years, Trump has elevated it in the imaginations of many Americans into a national crisis. Moreover, his comments about legal immigrants-Nigerians in their "huts," Haitians infected with AIDS, and people from "@#$%hole countries"-have been incendiary.Border Wars identifies the players behind Trump's anti-immigration policies, showing how they planned, stumbled, and fought their way toward major immigration changes that have further polarized the nation. This definitive, behind-the-scenes account is filled with previously unreported stories that reveal how Trump's decision-making is driven by gut instinct and marked by disorganization, paranoia, and a constantly feuding staff.
This volume focuses on recent experiences of return migration to Mexico and Central America from the United States. For most of the twentieth century, return migration to the US was a normal part of the migration process from Mexico and Central America, typically resulting in the eventual permanent settlement of migrants in the US. In recent years, however, such migration has become involuntary, as a growing proportion of return migration is taking place through formal orders of deportation. This book discusses return migration to Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras, addressing different reasons for return, whether voluntary or involuntary, and highlighting the unique challenges faced by returnees to each region. Particular emphasis is placed on the lack of government and institutional policies in place for returning migrants who wish to attain work, training, or shelter in their home countries. Finally, the authors take a look at the phenomenon of migrants who can never return because they have disappeared during the migration process. Through its multinational focus, diverse thematic outlook, and use of ethnographic and survey methods, this volume provides an original contribution to the topic of return migration and broadens the scope of the literature currently available. As such, this book will be important to scholars and students interested in immigration policy and Latin America as well as policy makers and activists.
The book of Ezekiel has long astonished its readership. In the history of exegesis, the book's (supposed) author has often been regarded as mad or ill, or as suffering from 'Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder' according to a recent diagnosis. The present study radicalizes this approach by investigating the book of Ezekiel as trauma literature. On the basis of a multi-faceted trauma hermeneutics the peculiarities as well as the inconsistencies of the book are shown to be material aspects of a fictionalised trauma process in the context of Israel's experiences of siege warfare and mass deportation in the early 6th century bce. The analysis demonstrates that the potential for violence inherent in the catastrophe has created not only an intense discourse about blame and punishment but also a theologically disturbing picture of a traumatized deity; in both cases the purpose is to assure the survival of Yhwh and the people.Das Ezechielbuch hat seine Leserschaft seit jeher verwundert und verwirrt. Den vermeintlichen Autor des Buches hat man im Laufe der Auslegungsgeschichte immer wieder pathologisiert zuletzt ist Ezechiel mehrfach die Diagnose Posttraumatische Belastungsst rung attestiert worden. Die vorliegende Studie nimmt diesen Krankheitsansatz auf und radikalisiert ihn, indem sie das Ezechielbuch konsequent als fiktionale Trauma-Literatur analysiert. Vor dem Hintergrund einer mehrdimensionalen Trauma-Hermeneutik erschlie t sie die Ezechielprophetie neu als literarisch-theologische Auseinandersetzung mit den traumatisierenden Kriegsereignissen, die Juda und Jerusalem zu Beginn des 6. Jh.s v.u.Z. getroffen haben. Es zeigt sich, dass die ungeheure Gewaltf lle der Exilskatastrophe nicht nur einen massiven Schuld-Strafe-Diskurs, sondern auch das theologisch ersch tternde Bild einer traumatisierten Gottheit aus sich herausgesetzt hat beides mit dem Ziel, das berleben JHWHs und des Volkes zu sichern.
Doctoral Thesis / Dissertation from the year 2006 in the subject Law - Public Law / Administrative Law, grade: Ausgezeichnet, Hiroshima University (Department for Public Law), course: Ph.D. Studium, 142 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: In this thesis a comprehensive discussion of the current immigration and deportation systems of both Japan and Austria provides the basis for qualitative and quantitative comparisons. The first section explains the basic methodology, the idea of comparative public law and respective international regimes that influence the alien law in either or both countries. In the second part the immigration system of both Austria and Japan are explained in considerable detail (introducing only high-profile case law, though) including new legislation introduced in most recent years. The system of residence titles in both countries is discussed with reference to particular group of immigrants such as family members of already residing foreign nationals, work related immigration, short-term and long-term visitors. An overview of the respective organization of the immigration control administration is provided before the last chapter of part two compares the immigration laws of both countries. The quantitative comparison employs, extends and adjusts the Quantitative Index for the Integration of Immigrants by H. Waldrauch (associated also with the work of Prof. U. Davey). Part three is extensively discusses the system of 'termination of stay' in both countries. This also includes the newly introduced (2004) revocation of residence titles (zairyu shikaku no torikeshi) and the departure order (shukkoku meirei) on the Japanese side and the new system of residence bans (Aufenthaltsverbote) etc. on the Austrian side (2005). This part also features (1) detailed case law on both systems (for Japan particularly in regard to the special residence permit), (2) a short explanation of detention facilities and detention related problems, (3) a discussion of problems inherent to each system and ends with a (4) qualitative and (5) quantitative analysis similar to the one provided for the immigration systems.
Across America today, gated communities sprawl out from urban centers, employers enforce mandatory drug testing, and schools screen students with metal detectors. Social problems ranging from welfare dependency to educational inequality have been reconceptualized as crimes, with an attendant focus on assigning fault and imposing consequences. Even before the recent terrorist attacks, non-citizen residents had become subject to an increasingly harsh regime of detention and deportation, and prospective employees subjected to background checks. How and when did our everyday world become dominated by fear, every citizen treated as a potential criminal? In this startlingly original work, Jonathan Simon traces this pattern back to the collapse of the New Deal approach to governing during the 1960s when declining confidence in expert-guided government policies sent political leaders searching for new models of governance. The War on Crime offered a ready solution to their problem: politicians set agendas by drawing analogies to crime and redefined the ideal citizen as a crime victim, one whose vulnerabilities opened the door to overweening government intervention. By the 1980s, this transformation of the core powers of government had spilled over into the institutions that govern daily life. Soon our schools, our families, our workplaces, and our residential communities were being governed through crime. This powerful work concludes with a call for passive citizens to become engaged partners in the management of risk and the treatment of social ills. Only by coming together to produce security, can we free ourselves from a logic of domination by others, and from the fear that currently rules our everyday life.
The book's 45 visuals include rare documentation of correspondence during the Holocaust. Author Dr Rochelle G Saidel's research was carried out as a Research Fellow at the Yad Vashem International Research Institute, as well as under the auspices of Remember the Women Institute. Mielec, Poland, is just one of many small dots on the map of the Holocaust, but its remarkable and unique history calls for closer scrutiny. Using an experimental process that was not repeated, the Nazis destroyed the Mielec Jewish community on March 9, 1942. After murdering those deemed too old or disabled to be useful, the German occupiers selected able-bodied survivors (mostly men) for slave labour and then deported the rest (4,000 mostly women, some with children) to another sector of the Generalgouvernement, the Lublin district. This process was recorded not only by the Nazis, but also by some members of the local Jewish and non-Jewish population. The visual and written documentation in this book allows us to learn about the Jewish community that had flourished in Mielec until the Holocaust, as well as the unusual way in which it was wiped out by the Nazis. In addition, testimonies and war criminal trial records describe an almost unknown brutal slave labour camp that operated on the outskirts of Mielec from before March 1942 until July 1944. Mielec is located in the Rzeszow province in southern Poland, quite close to Tarnow (and was in the Krakow district of the Generalgouvernement). Both the Jewish community and the concentration camp of Mielec have almost vanished from history, and evidence at the site is sparse. Nevertheless, what happened there can be recounted using old and new testimonies, rare photographs and documents, survivor interviews, and archival material. With the exception of a small number of people fortunate enough to survive by running and hiding, the entire population was murdered, sent to slave labor camps, or later deported to death camps from the Lublin district. Mielec was the first town in the Generalgouvernement from which the entire Jewish population was deported in the context of the Final Solution. The Nazis well-documented decision to deport the Jews of Mielec was made very early, in January 1942. Furthermore, after deportation to the Lublin district following an Aktion on March 9, 1942, the Mielec Jews were not murdered immediately. They were allowed to live for months under terrible circumstances in some of the small towns in that district, near Sobibor and Belzec. Ultimately these two death camps would be the final destination for Mielecs Jews. Another unusual aspect of the Mielec story is the labor camp that was located there. The site of the Polish National Aircraft Company (PZL), part of a Centralny Okreg Przemyslowy (Central Industrial District), was taken over by the Nazis for the manufacture of Heinkel airplanes. Later this work camp became a concentration camp, complete with tattoos and sadistic commandants. Despite these facts, histories of the Holocaust rarely mention Mielec. Today, this site is a Euro-Park industrial complex. The rare visuals about Mielec during the Holocaust are from survivor Moshe Borger (who was given a photograph album and correspondence by a Polish neighbour after World War II), from archives (the deportation), from research trips to Mielec, and from other survivors. Very early and much more recent survivor testimonies, as well as Nazi documentation, help to tell the story. The author interviewed survivors and also found Nazi war criminal trial records. Material from the unpublished manuscript of a Mielec concentration camp survivor and from the diary and unpublished manuscript of a Mielec shtetl survivor are included, as is testimony from a Mielec resident who was one of ten women to survive the Sobibor revolt. Research was carried out in Yad Vashem, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, the Jewish Historical Research Institute in Warsaw, and on site in Mielec.
American immigrants are often considered symbols of hope and promise. Presidential candidates point to their immigrant roots, Ellis Island is celebrated as a national monument, and 'the melting pot' remains a popular, if somewhat tarnished, American analogy. At the same time, images of impoverished Mexicans swarming across the Mexican-American border and boat-loads of desperate Haitian and urban refugees depict America as a nation under siege. While governments and business interests generally welcome aliens for the economic benefits the generate, the success of these groups paradoxically stirs distrust and envy leading to discrimination, oppression, and, in some cases, deportation. Surveying the political and economic history of American immigration, Thomas Muller compellingly argues that the clamor at America's gate should be a cause of pride, not anxiety; a sign of vigor, not an omen of decline. Illustrating that recent waves of immigration have facilitated urban renewal, Muller emphasizes the many ways in which aliens have lessened our cities' social problems rather than contributing to them. Los Angeles, New York, Miami, and San Francisco, traditional gateways to other continents, have all benefited from the contributions of immigrants. To assess perceived and actual costs of absorbing the new immigrants, Muller examines their impact on city income, housing, minority jobs, public services, and wages. But Muller argues that noneconomic concerns (such as recent attempts to formalize English as the country's official language) frequently mirror deeply rooted fears that could explain the cyclical pattern of American attitudes toward immigrants over the last three centuries. The nation, he contends, may again be turning inward, initiating a period of growing hostility toward the foreign-born. Nonetheless, higher entry levels for skilled immigrants would improve the technological standing of the U.S. increase the standard of living for the middle class, a
Recent years have seen a resurgence of interest in modern black nationalist leaders such as Stokely Carmichael and Malcolm X. But what of the ideological precursors to these modern leaders, the writers, and leaders from whose intellectual legacy modern black nationalism emerged? Wilson Jeramiah Moses, whom the Village Voice called one of the foremost historians of black nationalism, has here collected the most influential speeches, articles, and letters that inform the intellectual underpinnings of contemporary black nationalism, returning our focus to black nationalism at its inception. The goal of early black nationalists was the return of the African-American population to Africa to create a sovereign nation-state and to formulate an ideological basis for a concept of national culture. Most early black nationalists believed that this return was directed by the hand of God. Moses examines the evolution of black nationalist thought through several phases, from its proto-nationalisic phase in the late 1700s through a hiatus in the 1830s, through its flourishing in the 1850s, its eventual eclipse in the 1870s, and its resurgence in the Garvey movement of the 1920s. Moses provides us with documents that illustrate the motivations of both whites and blacks as they sought the removal of the black population. We hear from Thomas Jefferson, who held that it was self-evident that black and white populations could not intermingle on an equal basis or merge to form one happy society, and who toyed with the idea of a mass deportation of the black American population. We see that the profit motive is an important motive behind any nationalist movement in the letters between African American capitalists Paul Cuffe and James Forten. Among the more difficult selections to classify in this collection, Robert Alexander Young's Ethiopian Manifesto prophesied the coming of a prophetic liberator of the African race. The Christian nature of nineteenth century black nationalism is evident in Blyden's The Call of Providence. Moses rounds out the volume with contributions from more well- known voices such as those of Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Dubois, and others. Classical Black Nationalism will serve as a point of departure for anyone interested in gaining a foundational knowledge of the disparate voices behind this often discussed but seldom understood movement.